I. The Betrayal of too Trusting a People
The people of the British Southern Cameroons had absolute faith in the UN and trusted the Administering Authority, believing that both would always act in the best interest and for the wellbeing of the territory. This turned out to be a monumentally misplaced faith. In breach of the legal, moral and human rights foundations at the root of the trusteeship system, in breach of obligations assumed under the Charter of the UN, and in breach of the undertakings in the Trusteeship Agreement for the British Cameroons the UK betrayed the people of the British Southern Cameroons. The UN itself failed to stand up for the people of the trust territory.
A. The Betrayal by the UN
The UN failed to secure statehood for the people of British Southern Cameroons. By this failure the UN acted in breach of its own Charter (Article 76 b), in breach of its own 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and in breach of the right of self-determination of peoples. The plebiscite and its timing were a UN imposition. The political leadership of the territory requested its deferment to 1962 but the request was ignored. The plebiscite questions, framed with the greatest opacity, in effect demanded the hapless people of British Southern Cameroons to choose between colonial rule by Nigeria and colonial rule by Cameroun Republic, the UK Government having indicated it was no longer prepared to continue to assume responsibility for the administration of the territory.
The plebiscite was in fact uncalled for and the alternatives presented to the people amounted to a violation of the right of all peoples to existence. A people cannot achieve independence by offering themselves for domination and their territory for annexation, by another country. The British Southern Cameroons had already achieved full self-government status and was poised for and had the right to accede to the ultimate status of independence as a sovereign state. Given this fact the plebiscite was unnecessary. The phraseology of the plebiscite question was itself a gross deception and an unconscionable fraud on an essentially illiterate population who, as the Plebiscite Commissioner rightly pointed out, may not have fully grasped the full implication of what they were invited to vote on.
Further, the UN did not present the people with the internationally recognized self-determination political status option of emergence as a sovereign independent state. There was, and there can be, no good reason why this option was withheld from the people. The very representative conference of all stakeholders held in Mamfe Town had resolved that given the UN’s insistence on a plebiscite in the territory the questions to be put to the people should be the following clear, sensible and straightforward questions: Do you want integration into Nigeria? Do you want secession from Nigeria? The British Southern Cameroons though internationally a separate territory from Nigeria was at then still administered by the UK as if it was an integral part of Nigeria. The questions therefore made great sense. There was no need bringing in French Cameroun into the equation as that country was foreign land. It was clearly understood by all the stakeholders at the Mamfe conference that a vote for secession from Nigeria would necessarily entail the emergence of the British Southern Cameroons into statehood. Mr. JN Foncha, Premier of the British Southern Cameroons, painstakingly outlined to the UN the proceedings and outcome of the Mamfe conference. But for reasons that have never been stated the UN ignored all of that and went ahead to impose an unwarranted plebiscite with vaguely framed questions and dead-end alternatives. It is still a mystery how the UN could have believed and taken the attitude that the destiny of the people of the British Southern Cameroons was necessarily tied to that of either of its two neighbours.
The UN betrayal did not end there. The Organization even failed to see to it that the very process of what it called ‘independence by joining’ and which it had initiated was carried to its completion. It did not call for four-party talks (UN, UK, British Southern Cameroons, Cameroun Republic) to satisfactorily iron out any outstanding issues and to ensure that there was indeed genuine de-colonization of the British Southern Cameroons. It did not participate in any post-plebiscite talks, whether bipartite between British Southern Cameroons and Cameroun Republic or tripartite between the UK, the British Southern Cameroons and Cameroun Republic. It did not even bother to ensure that any such talks took place under its auspices in the same way the plebiscite had been conducted under its auspices. It did not ensure that the Administering Authority participated effectively, meaningfully, in good faith, and in the best interest of the British Southern Cameroons, in any talks or dealings with Cameroun Republic that had a bearing on the future of the people and territory of British Southern Cameroons. Resolution 1608 of 21 April 1961 failed to include safeguards designed to show conclusively British Southern Cameroons as a de-colonized territory. The resolution was in fact a dangerously watered down version of the robust resolution earlier recommended by the Trusteeship Council for adoption by the General Assembly. The Trusteeship Council resolution had called for the UN involvement in the post-plebiscite de-colonization process and for the UN to make available to the Government of the British Southern Cameroons administrative, financial and constitutional expertise. The UN should responsibly have done so, but it failed to. The assistance to British Southern Cameroons recommended by the Trusteeship Council would have, on the reckoning of the UN Secretary General, cost a mere US$46, 000. Discriminatorily, the UN considered that paltry sum too large an amount to spend in order to secure and safeguard the integrity of the territory of the Southern Cameroons, however spatially small, and the dignity and worth of its people, however demographically small. It would seem the UN even appeared to have adopted the suspect attitude that the British Southern Cameroons was a returned part of the territory of Cameroun Republic.
Elections in Cameroun are fashioned after the Soviet module. When the administration is not creating election results years before the elections actually happen, the Minister of Territorial Administration is doctoring the books before, during and after the elections to give some semblance of respectability to the voter turnout and the actual results. Ethnic cleansing of known opposition names from the voter’s register is the key parameter of election fraud in Cameroun.
Manipulation of voters register to exclude opposition luminaries especially Southern Cameroonians because they systematically vote against the regime, creation of bogus registers; registration of sympathiz-ers in hideouts; refusal to give Southern Cameroonians voting cards; registration of sympathetic foreigners; refusal to publish voter’s registers; stuffing ballot boxes; demanding that known or suspected opposition hands produce birth certificate, bank statements, driving licenses, residence permits, ID cards before voting contrary to the law; sending the voting cards and registers of known opposition members to wrong polling stations; ferrying supporters to vote left, right and center; allowing children to vote; releasing voting cards of the ruling to militants days ahead of the election for ballot box stuffing, refusal to produce indelible ink; multiple voting; confiscating ballot boxes; corrupting voters; creating shortages of opposition ballot papers; buying votes; selling votes; using state resources to campaign; hijacking the public media; disqualifying lists of opponents; creating ghost polling stations; proclaiming phony results; creating phony result sheets; canceling opposition votes; announcing phony results of past elections; creating an Election Observatory to…observe the rigging etc. Gerrymandering and inventing bogus constituencies. Doctoring all the laws governing elections, and now, creating a CPDM-sub-section with Ruling party apparatchiks in charge called Elecam to manage the rigging.
The very character of the Camerounese political orchestration makes it clear that every election-heisting is faithfully executed either at the behest of the strongman or for the benefit of the strongman. Small wonder, Mr. Biya maintains a tight-control of the institutions and processes that organize execute and adjudge on elections in Cameroun.
Those who rig elections do so for the superadded attractive influence of either being maintained in their positions or for the possibility of being co-opted and accommodated by the system.
All appointments into the frontline ministry of territorial administration , the Ministry of Justice, the former National Elections Observatory—NEO or ONEL—and now the so-called independent electoral commission, Elections Cameroun or Elecam are done by the president.
Resultantly, every election time, the regime ingenious warlords ‘bribe, they threaten, they issue veiled and real threats, they loot, they embezzle ballot papers and boxes, they ransack polling stations, they exploit, they pilfer, they shake down, they play bilkers tunes on ballot boxes, they brought in muscle, even the prime minister bought and sold votes—when he was not hightailing down a Victoria street with ballot boxes that is, etc.’ In fact, they regime and its ingenious warlords did everything a president and his party has to do to be world champions in election fraud.
The Ministry of Territorial Administration (hitherto called the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralization) organizes elections in Cameroun. This office functions in the true pattern of a one-party state, Stalinist module. It fabricates election results years ahead of the elections, which results (in favour of the state party) are released after the elections to be confirmed by the Supreme Court. Before multipartism, the administration within the single party simply prepared election results years ahead. Those results systematically awarded 99.99% to the ruling party.
The president’s control over the electoral process is so tight-fisted that the man is not beyond reshuffling and re-deploying the entire grassroots organs of the Ministry of Territorial Administration which ministry has always is in charge of the organization of elections in Cameroun. During these routine pre-elections appointments administrators suspected to be hostile to the regime are redeployed to regime strongholds where the spotlight would be on them in case of attempts at mischief.
The Supreme Court, whose head is the president of the state party and Head of State, has never been known to challenge even the most glaring evidential of electoral fraud. The Supreme Court always rubber-stamps the results as tabled by Territorial Administration . In all fairness to the Supreme Court, electoral law states clearly that the Supreme Court is there to proclaim the results: proclaim and nothing else.
Ahead of a so-called facts-finding visit by the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights, ACHPR, to the Cameroons, the Biya regime today deployed regiments of its elite troops to Buea, the second town in the disputed Southern Cameroons.
The troops were mainly from the BIR or Brigade d’Intervention Rapide, a heavily equipped unit.
The troop deployment is amidst fears that Southern Cameroons
independentists would use Februaru 11, 2011, the former Empire Day, to declare the actualization of the independence and sovereignty of the Southern Cameroons as the Republique of Ambazonia.
The African Commission is visiting the Southern Cameroons post the June 2009 milestone ruling of the ACHPR, which ruling recognised Southern Cameroonians as a people with inalienable rights, one of those rights being self-determination.
The Biya regime has today annexted the UN Trust territory of the
Southern Cameroons and considers it part of its territory.
In 2009, the ACHPR gave the Biya regime 180 days to commence
“Constructive Dialogue” with the leaders of the Southern Cameroons.
After accepting the idea of “Constructive Dialogue” and even writing to the ACHPR to request a further 180 days to prepare for the ‘Constructive Dialogue” the Biya regime then reneged on its
commitment. It instead deployed troops to all towns and villages of the Southern Cameroons.
Victims of Landmines Other human rights observers pile on the tally. For example, facts, figures and pictures available to the Bamenda-based Human Rights Defense Group, the Human Rights Clinic (HURCLED Centre) show that between 1990 and 1993, the Biya regime systematically helicopter dropped booby-trapped objects (live grenades and anti-personnel landmines), shaped like wrist watches, ear-rings and other toys in almost all Bamenda-Southern Cameroons loci of SDF rallies. Children and youths who picked up, or stepped on, such objects – Made in China – had their members amputated forthwith. Joseph Awah, for example, first from left of the picture, was a volunteer member of Opposition Leader John Fru Ndi’s security detail had his right hand severed when he picked up a wrist watch that had been dropped into Fru Ndi’s Mercedes. The Biya regime never dropped these live grenades in French Cameroun, not even in Douala which was famed for its anti-Biya rallies in 1990-1993, known to Francophones as ‘Les années des braises.’ To date, the Commander-in-Chief of the Camerounese Army and his generals, who, definitely, gave the Code Red for these criminal activities, have has not accounted for these maiming. Cameroun is a signatory to the UN Ban on the use of anti-personnel land mines especially in civilian areas yet the current Defense Minister, Edgar Abraham Alain Mebe Ngo’o, (a most probable candidate for economic and war crimes in the Cameroons) has ordered containers of improved land mines, tear gas canisters, etc. from France and China in readiness for the trouble coming to the Biya regime. It had been computed that not less than 1.000 Camerounians have been killed by the regime from 1990 to date in the struggle to institute a democratic system in the Cameroons.
According to the very authoritative site http://www.africaindependent.com, the Frenchman Nicholas Sarkozy has invited himself to the next Summit of African Leaders schedule to take place in Addis Ababa January 30-31, 2011.
The Frenchman is expected to lecture African leaders about Laurent Gbagbo.
Sarkozy, who is also the current President of the so-called G-20 and G-8 is expected to misuse (blackmail) the position to promote another French-engineered genocide in Africa this time the Ivory Coast – after Rwanda. A French missile shot down President Habyarimana’s plane in 1994 leading to the Rwandan Genocide. In 100 days 850.000 people were killed.
Now the French are on another inane adventure.
According to CRTV reports monitored in Buea, and recorded in the State-owned Cameroon Tribune, the United Nation’s 64th President of the general Assembly, Ali Triki was in Yaounde on May 20. He had not been at the ceremonial ceremony marking Yaounde declared National Day, but turned up at the Unity Palace with a strong delegation. His birthday gift to Biya was two well-framed maps. The one was a large framed map of La Republique du Cameroon, with an international boundary separating LRC and the Southern Cameroons. The second was the map of the British Cameroons, with an international boundary separating the Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons.
The CRTV reporter on the bid, George Ewane made the following commentaries: “Apart from the Map of the Republic of Cameroun is that of British Southern Cameroons is and the anchor man at the studio, Joseph Le and Ephraim Banda Ghogomo cut in to ask “What did you say?” And George could comment no more. So he allowed the microphone to overhear what Mr. Ali Triki was saying.., Voici la carte du Cameroun Britannique…histoire en a decidee”
La Republique du Cameroun had her independence on January 1, 1960. The boundaries as of that date were determined, established and recorded at the Secretariat of the United Nations in New York. As of that day, the Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons were still under the trusteeship of Britain, being prepared for eventual independence. Its flag was Green Red Yellow and its National Anthem, reflecting the savagery of LRC was made public. Its first President was Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo.
On February 11, 1961, the Southern Cameroons voted in a UN-organized plebiscite to have her independence in a defined union with LRC, while Northern Cameroons did so, but to unite with the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigeria remains a federation as of that pact signed in 1961, while the Southern Cameroons remains annexed, given that the proceeds from the 1961 plebiscite were never formalized in a Union Treaty to be deposited at the Secretariat of the United Nations as per U.N Charter, which makes it very clear that if two nations come into an understanding to change their original international boundaries in the form of any mergence, it must do so with the knowledge of the United nations and both will sign a Union pact which must be deposited at the U.N Secretariat.
But, history has it that by June/July of 1961, La Republique du Cameroun invited the Southern Cameroons, through its Prime Minister, John Ngu Foncha, to attend a Conference in Foumban in LRC where they were to discuss the Constitution of a future United Cameroons in a federal structure. Was this to go along smoothly, there was to be a signing ceremony whose outcome was to be related to the United Nations as per UN Charter Article 102(b)? Alas, this never happened as LRC’s foul play was uncovered. Foumban ended in a still birth.
So, by October 1, 1961, Britain was itchy to quit the soils of Southern Cameroons. J.O. Field had packed his bags and baggage and his boat was steaming, ready to take off. Southern Cameroons was to be officially declared an independent state, to assert its future. What happened at today is Bongo Square was a horrible mess “an open hijacking of the independence of a people. When the Union Jack was lowered, Ahidjo’s green Red Yellow was raised and LRC’s Savage Anthem chanted in French!! Foncha was helpless and vulnerable.
That notwithstanding, the independence was declared, and only hijacked. It was like a slave being freed by one slave master, and on his way home, he is enslaved by another slave master.
ENTER THE TWO MAPS
So, what were the two maps that the UN representative handed to Biya in Yaounde on May 20, 2010? According to live re[ports from CRTV monitored in Bamenda, the UN representative, Ali Triki, who is the President of the 64th General Assembly of the UN, in handing the two maps to Cameroun’s Head of State, declared “Voici les cartes de Cameroon Britannique…histoire en a decidee ( Here are the maps of British Cameroons…history had so decided..”. According to another State-owned media, Cameroon Tribune of Tuesday May 25, 2010, on page 1 and 3, carrying the pictures of the two maps in the presence of Paul Biya and Jean Victor Nkolo, who is of the Information Department at the UN, the two maps were well framed, large enough for Biya to understand even from twenty meters away.
The first and very gigantic one is the Map of La Republique du Cameroun as of January 1, 1960! It shows clearly the red line and green line separating British Cameroons from La Republique du Cameroun. LRC is no more a triangle with British Cameroons as Biya and Yaounde have it. What Mr. Ali Triki was presenting through this first big map was the map showing LRC as far as the United Nations is concerned. That is LRC as per January 1, 1960.
The second map is also very clear and well framed, clearly separated from the first. It shows the Map of British Southern Cameroons as of October 1, 1961. What does this entails? It means one and one thing only. The United Nations cannot suffer itself to print and frame very large maps of one’s country to come and present it as birth day gifts just like that. Imagine that at your birth day, someone comes up with framed pictures of yours when you were born. Or, in another circumstance, imagine that you are celebrating the 50th anniversary of your marriage; someone comes with two framed pictures of you, and your wife, separately, when she was a maiden and you a bachelor. More so, he refers to her as Miss. The message is simple! That the man, say, the court magistrate or mayor, is reminding you that your stay together is still not regularized as per the law.
WHAT IS AT STAKE?
The United Nations has come and attended the 50th anniversary of LRC, and, by the gift of those two maps, is informing the Yaounde authorities that the same UN will readily attend the 50th anniversary of the Southern Cameroons in Buea come October 1, 1961. Is the UN acknowledging, in a diplomatic manner that Yaounde and Buea have some unfinished works at the UN’s Secretariat. That what the Banjul courts. ACHPR is dabbling with is already being taken care of at the level of the UN..or maybe, the Gorji Dinka were right after all, except that they do not know like all of us, how to exploit their opportunities and chances!
INTERNATIONALLY TREATIED BOUNDARY BETWEEN THE BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONS AND LRC
DECLARATION MADE BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY AND PROTECTORATE OF NIGERIA AND THE GOVERNOR OF THE FRENCH CAMEROONS DEFINING THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN BRITISH AND FRENCH CAMEROONS
Sir Graeme Thomson, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Governor of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria.
Dated 9 January 1931
(Treaty Series No. 34 (1931) [Cmd. 3936])
NOTE: 1-75 defines LRC and British Northern Cameroons boundary, which by the plebiscite treaty joined Nigeria as per UN Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961!
(76) Thence a line parallel to the Koubokam-Koutopi path on its northern side until the stream Moinum (Banso) or Ketchouperin (Bamun) is reached, thus leaving the Koubokam-Koutopi path wholly in French territory.
(77) Thence the stream Ketchouperin or Moinun until its junction with the River Moinun (Banso and Bamun) or Upper Nun.
(78) Thence the Moinun to its junction with the River Nun.
(79) Thence the River Nun to its junction with the River Ngwanonsia or Chawnga or Chawga.
(80) Thence the River Ngwanonsia upstream to the point where it is crossed by the Nkwefu-Bambalang Road.
(81) Thence a line westwards through the swamp to the northern extremity of the Island of Nkwefu (an elder of the Bagam village of Fombefu).
(82) Thence a line westwards through the swamp to the point where the Fombefu-Nkwefu path cuts the River Ta or Tantam.
(83) Thence the River Tantam upstream to its confluence with the River Sefu or Mekango.
(84) Thence the River Sefu upstream to its source.
(85) Thence a line south-westwards to the apex of the large isolated rock called Ngoma Fominyam.
(86) Thence a line southwards to the source of the River Webinga near point 1300 in Moisel’s map and to the east of it.
(87) Thence the River Webinga to its confluence with the Mbonso (Bali-Bagam) or Momogo (Bagam).
(88) Thence the River Mbonso to its confluence with the River Mifi.
(89) Thence the River Mifi upstream to its confluence with the River Mogo or Dochi.
(90) Thence the River Mogo upstream to its confluence with the stream Dugum (Bali-Bagam) or Mousete-Fontchili (Bagam), which is slightly above where the Bagam-Bali-Bagam road crosses the River Mogo.
(91) Thence the stream Dugum to its source which is marked by a cairn of stones on the eastern side of Mount Ngenkoa (Bali-Bagam) or Koungo (Bagam).
(92) Thence a line to a cairn of stones at the top of the defile between Mount Ngenkoa in the south and Mount Tabira (Bali-Bagam) or Koumenou (Bagam) in the north.
(93) Thence a line to the bend in the River Bingwa (Bali-Bagam) or Seporo (Bagam), about 60 yards from the above-mentioned cairn.
(94) Thence the River Bingwa to its confluence with the River Mifi.
(95) Thence the River Mifi upstream to its confluence with the River Kongwong.
(96) Thence the River Kongwong upstream to its junction with the River Tooloo or Ntoulou.
(97) Thence the River Tooloo to a cairn at the top of the waterfall about 1 kilometre above the confluence of the Rivers Tooloo and Kongwong.
(98) Thence a straight line on a magnetic bearing of 130º to the summit of a circular peak immediately to the north of the defile Zemembi, through which passes the Babadju-Bapinyi path.
(99) Thence the line of heights overlooking to the east the vale of Babdju and to the west the valley of the Meso to the peak Asimi, where this line of heights ends.
(100) Thence a straight line to the centre of the marsh shown on Moisel’s map as Mbetscho and called Kifi by the natives of Babinyi, and Tchinbintcho by those of Babadju.
(101) Thence the crest of the watershed between the Cross River on the west and the River Noun on the east to a beacon in the centre of a small area of forest named Mepong about 400 Metres south-east of Mount Lekonkwe or Etchemtankou on the crest of the watershed.
(102) Thence the stream Tantchempong, which has its source about 25 metres south-west of the above-mentioned beacon, to its confluence with the stream Mintchemecharlee.
(103) Thence the stream Mintchemecharlee upstream to the point where it most nearly reaches two small rocks named Tolezet which mark the boundary between the villages of Fossong Elelen and Fongo Tongo on the road between those villages.
(104) Thence a line passing through the two rocks named Tolezet to the source of the stream Monchenjemaw or Montchi Zemo.
(105) Thence this stream to its confluence with the stream Munchisemor or Montchi Zemoua, which has its source about 50 metres west of the largest of the three rocks called Melogomalee or Melegomele.
(106) Thence the stream Munchisemor to its source.
(107) Thence a line passing through the centre of the largest of the three rocks called Melogomalee to the source of the stream Monchita or Montchi Monie, about 100 metres south-south- east of the above-named rock.
(108) Thence the stream Monchita to its confluence with the River Bamig.
(109) Thence the River Bamig upstream to its source on a forest-covered hill called Nkenchop (the point where the River Bamig crosses the Dschang-Fontem Road is marked by a beacon).
(110) Thence a line through the crest of the hill Nkenchop to the crest of a forest-covered hill called Siambi.
(111) Thence a straight line to a beacon placed on the watershed at a point known as Ntchoumgomo.
(112) Thence a line following the crest of the watershed between the Cross River on the west and the River Nkam on the east through the summits of Mounts Ngome and Jomen to the summit of Mount Wenmen.
(113) Thence a straight line running south-south- west to join the River Ngwe.
(114) Thence the River Ngwe for a distance of 3 kilometres to its affluent, the stream Liplo.
(115) Thence the stream Liplo to a point 500 metres west of the Moangekam-Lo track.
(116) Thence a line running parallel with this track and 500 metres west of it, until this line reaches the crest of Mount Njimba.
(117) Thence a line along the crest of Mount Njimba to its summit, which lies to the west of the French village of Moangekam.
(118) Thence a line through the summit of Mount Ngokela to the plain of Elung, leaving the Muanya compound of Nyan in British territory.
(119) Thence a track cut across the plain and marked with posts so as to leave the village of Nyan in British territory and the village of Po-Wassum in French territory, until this track reaches the stream Edidio.
(120) Thence this stream until it is crossed by the Poala-Muangel track.
(121) Thence a line running south-south- west along the summit of Mount Manenguba to the ridge surrounding the basin of the lakes.
(122) Thence a curved line along the eastward side of the ridge until the point where the Muandon-Poala track crosses the ridge.
(123) Thence the Muandon-Poala track in a westerly direction down the slopes of Mount Hahin and Mount Ebouye until it reaches the River Mbe.
(124) Thence the River Mbe which runs parallel with Mount Mueba, until a line of cairns and posts is reached.
(125) Thence this line of cairns and posts, which marks the boundary between the French villages of Muaminam (Grand Chef Nsasso) and the English villages of the Bakossi tribe (District Head Ntoko) and the Ninong tribe (district Head Makege), to the point where an unnamed tributary from the North joins the River Eko.
(126) Thence a line touching the two westernmost points of the boundary of the former German plantation of Ngoll to the crest of Mount Elesiang.
(127) Thence along the crest of Mount Elesiang to the northern-most point of the tobacco plantation of Nkolankote.
(128) Thence a line running south-south- west along Mount Endon, so as to leave the plantation of Nkolankote in French territory and the plantation of Essosung in British territory, to the summit of Mount Coupe.
(129) Thence a straight line running south-south- west to a cairn of stones on the Lum-Ngab Road at a point 6,930 metres along this road from the railway track.
(130) Thence a straight line in a south-westerly direction to the source of the River Bubu.
(131) Thence the River Bubu to a point 1,200 metres downstream from a place called Muanjong Farm.
(132) Thence in a straight line in a westerly direction to the source of the River Ediminjo.
(133) Thence the River Ediminjo to its confluence with the River Mungo.
(134) Thence the River Mungo to the point in its mouth where it meets the parallel 4º 2′ 3″ north.
(135) Thence this parallel of latitude westwards so as to reach the coast south of Tauben Island.
(136) Thence a line following the coast, passing south of Reiher Island to Mokola Creek, thus leaving the whole of the Moewe See in British territory.
(137) Thence a line following the eastern banks of the Mokola, Mbakwele, Njubanan-Jau, and Matumal creeks, and cutting the mouths of the Mbossa-Bombe, Mikanje, Tende, Victoria and other unnamed creeks to the junction of Matumal and Victoria creeks.
(138) Thence a line running 35º west of true south to the Atlantic Ocean.
GRAEME THOMSON, Governor of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria.
MARCHAND Gouverneur, Commissaire de la République française au Cameroun.